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INFO   :::  Home - In Focus > In Focus Archiva - PAGE 2 > No One Can Feel Safe Here

 

 

Interview: Sonja Biserko, Chairwoman of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia

No One Can Feel Safe Here

"I would say Vučić has taken aim at everyone who thinks critically or differently from him. And when it comes to partition Rada Trajković, Sava Janjić and I took the same stance against it, regardless of what each of us considers a final solution. This regime is sparing no one. For six years it has been smashing everything that used to be at our social scene."

 

Filip Švarm

October 4, 2018, Vreme

 

 

"It’s only logical that Sonja Biserko, Sava Janjić and Rada Trajković have taken the same side. There is no difference between them; but people who have pretended to be staunchest nationalists have also aligned themselves with them, and their policy is exactly the same: that in Kosovo and Metohija we have nothing, all we have is just in our folk stories and fairy tales.”

This is what President of Serbia Alexander Vučić told the latest meeting of the Main Committee of his Serbian Progressive Party. Unlike the said “staunchest nationalists” the three persons in question, well-known for arguing against Kosovo’s partition, were called on the carpet as enemies of the nation and Serbia.

“This is nothing new to me,” Sonja Biserko, the chairwoman of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia, tells the Vreme weekly. “The Helsinki Committee and I have in the public eye when it comes to the Kosovo issue, we’ve been present in both communities all the time and our views about the situation over there are well-known. We have always been targets of the hate speech or criticism because of our consistent stances differing from many others I would say.”

 

"VREME": What I am actually asking you is how come that Vučić put you in the same basket with Archimandrite Sava Janjić and Rada Trajković?

SONJA BISERKO: Sava Janjić has expressed the Serbian Orthodox Church’s stance against partition while Rada Trajković also openly argued against the idea. By the way, she is the one who perfectly articulates sentiments of the Serbian population in Kosovo, especially those living south of the Ibar River. And everything she said in public – especially about the murder of Oliver Ivanović and “inner” dialogue – mirrors the views by the majority of the Serbs in South Kosovo, but also in other parts. And so, when the plan for Kosovo’s partition failed someone to be blamed for it had to be found. As it turned out, the three of us were detected as such, but institutions too – notably the Helsinki Committee – holding different views about the issue than the regime. And the more so, I would say, because we are all somewhat publicly recognizable.

 

Are you disturbed by all this?

Listen, I’ve been active in the same way in this community for too long, and along with the Helsinki Committee I’ve been for too long target of assaults. That’s why, to put it so, I’ve become immune to all such threats. They make no sense since no one trusts anyone over here, and that’s how it is in the entire region. I would say neither Vučić believes in what he says himself.

And yet, what he said at the meeting of his Main Committee stands for a kind of threat. However, after everything I’ve gone through – and under all the regimes we had – I cannot say for sure how serious this threat is. I can sense it no more.

 

And do you sense the reasons why the President of Serbia needs a rhetoric as such and has to call actual people on the carpet?

I would say Vučić has taken aim at everyone who thinks critically or differently from him. And when it comes to partition Rada Trajković, Sava Janjić i ja took the same stance against it, regardless of what each of us considers a final solution. This regime is sparing no one. For six years it has been smashing everything that used to be at our social scene: the opposition that is itself much to blame for it, a big part of the civil sector that has accomplished much for the society after 2000, independent regulatory bodies, the parliament that is now turned into a pointless circus…All in all, it can be said that we are having now a one-party system of a worse kind than at the time of Yugoslavia; then we had more of pluralism, more criticism and more of everything than we have today. In this context, naming Rada Trajković, Sava Janjić and me at the Main Committee is nothing but a policy of continuity that puts across the message that no one could feel safe. Constant stigmatization in Vučić’s rhetoric that is being reiterated by tabloids and certain broadcasters is meant to make senseless and pull the plug on any dialogue about Serbia and a course it is taking. Every possible channel of dialogue has been closed up, and that’s the problem plaguing the entire region. Instead of making progress everyone in the region undergoes regression of a sort, and just because they have all undervalued Second Yugoslavia and snuffed out everything it accomplished for modernization and emancipation of people. It can be said that now we in a process of regression with nationalism as the one and only ideology.

 

Let’s stay a bit at the said rhetoric. Why should you be apostrophized? The Helsinki Committee is not a political party…

Actually, just a part of non-governmental organizations stands today for the opposition to Vučić’s policy. These organization articulated their opposition to Kosovo’s partition in a letter to EU High Representative for Foreign Policy Federica Mogerini, signed together with Kosovo-based non-governmental organizations. The letter found an echo abroad and was often quoted this summer. See, if the initiative for partition emerged so suddenly it must have been “simmering” for at least two years. In fact, Belgrade has searched a partner in Tirana a finally found him in the person of Albanian Premier Edi Rama. Two years ago, when Rama was in Niš they started with arrangements to which Washington and London said no at the time. Later on, however, the idea of partition was endorsed by some outstanding figures in the West such as Wolfgang Petrich who works for a law firm representing our government, Toni Blair, US ex-ambassador to Belgrade Kameron Manter, Alex Soros, but also Ivan Vejvoda, Jelena Milić, Ivan Krastev and others. With their names they attracted the attention to the partition project. Now this sums up no more as an arrangement between Tachi and Vučić, or Vučić and Rama, but has acquired a new, international dimension. Namely, until recently no one from abroad had seconded the plan.

 

What has changed in the meantime?

The partition plan was born in Belgrade – it has always been in circulation, either on the counter or under it. Everything about it has been dependent on international circumstances. And now, when the world in in turmoil once again, faced with all imaginable challenges and uncertainties, the Serbian political elite takes that such turbulence is good for its plans. Just remind yourself of the billboard “Trump, Serb!” posted after the election of the incumbent American President. So, what is it the Americans are after? They are after closing up as many open questions as possible so that they could get focused on China. And yet, not a single American official stated he or she stood for Kosovo’s partition. What they are actually saying is “You make a deal, and then let us see about it.” Obviously, the problem can also not be solved without Germany. And Vučić himself admits openly that Chancellor Merkel opposes partition, but adds that he will be trying to get something – we all are familiar with the way he speaks. All in all, the partition idea is a calculation that rests on uncertainties of today’s world. The fact that nothing has moved forward yet, means not that it will not get on its way. True, the above-mentioned Wolfgang Petrich speaks just about borders shifting a couple of kilometers, but, mind, he was most active in the matter of Kosovo and I am sure he is quite aware of regional consequences arising from such “border shifting.”

 

What exactly are you aiming at?

The partition story has disturbed the entire region, Kosovo Albanians and Serbs most of all. I would say the Brussels Agreement produced some favorable results at the start – bilateral relations were relaxed, Kosovo IDs were recognized, it encouraged mutual trust between the two communities and so on. And now the Serbs living south of the Ibar River have found themselves in a completely undefined situation. I must tell you that during my stay in Gračanica I learned that many have put their houses on sale, they are troubled by all those uncertainties, worried about their children’s future…The “Serbian List” Belgrade’s manipulation has entrenched as Serbian major political force in Kosovo is doing nothing at all for their interests despite its considerable influence on Kosovo’s parliament.

 

Let’s discuss some more Blair, Petrich and others who, as you put it, sided with the idea about Kosovo’s partition. How come it was them?

We all remember how many international figures have circulated in Belgrade once; and so, we learned that Blair is now providing counsel to the Serbian government. The East-West Institute is most interesting in this context: it came up with the need for flexibility in the matter of Kosovo; and then Alex Soros went on shuttle diplomacy mission between Vučić, Tachi and Rama…And still, as far as I can tell, such activity is stalled at the moment, which does not exclude its revival. See, Vučić refused to go to Brussels and delegated Premier Ana Brnabić to the UN in New York: this indicates that he would rather be not faced with having to answer questions about partition at this moment. I would call such policy of his autistic and incapable of reflecting the actual situation of the country, the region and beyond it.

 

And what is Vučić’s situation against such backdrop – Serbia’s and the international community’s?

Vučić had a chance no Serbian politician has had since 2000; no one, except for him, has enjoyed such strong support for settling crucial problems, including the one of Kosovo. He was the first who had the opportunity to break up Serbia’s vicious circle. As it seems, however, he has no courage enough to make it, despite all the support he had from the international community, mostly Germany and United States. Much hope was pinned on him when the Brussels Arrangement was signed, but everything is at standstill now.

 

And what about Hashim Tachi’s position in the same context?

When it comes to partition Tachi is faced with strong opposition even in his own party. And then, Americans can make him do whatever they want and whenever they want to. That’s why it is uncertain how he will position himself. I would say he has rather pulled back at the moment.

 

What do you think about negotiations between Vučić and Tachi under the auspices of the EU?

Brussels negotiations have been actually non-existent for the past two years, ever since this channel trough which partition is discussed under-the-table was opened. This was more than evident this summer when Vejvoda, the East-West Institute and Jelena Milić came up with their reports, frequent visits by Alex Soros and the like. No one knows what it is Vučić and Tachi are talking about. Mogerini joined in too, ambitious as she is. Anyway, looking just at this dialogue on Kosovo one is simply stunned with how many incompetent and immoral people disinterested in national and social interest but minding their own are involved in it. Those political elites’ irresponsibility and immaturity are overwhelming.

 

Vučić has appealed for dialogue and negotiations on several occasions, including his speech in Kosovska Mitrovica…

I would say that in that speech of his a wrong focused was placed on Slobodan Milošević, in the country and abroad alike. For, what Vučić actually said was that we had lost a war and that someone would have to recognize the fact once in the future. True, he distanced himself from the responsibility (for the war), trying to excuse himself with his confused address – and this was what I saw as the most important message put through. Of course, we have to take the Russian factor into account in this matter: Moscow does not expose itself too much, but what suits it best is a frozen conflict through which it can act destructively throughout the region. Besides, one cannot but wonder how possibly can one speak about dialogue and negotiations leading towards normalization when Albanians have been so grossly demonized – not as of today or yesterday, but for very long time. What is crucial in this context are the rhetoric by politicians and the media sphere that should advocate relaxation of relations and restored trust. How possibly can one put trust in their good intentions when these crucial things are nowhere to see?

 

In brief, how do you see resolution of the Kosovo problem?

In a nutshell: Serbia should recognize Kosovo’s independence. There is no other solution. Everything else is just time-wasting. Since 2000 much has been invested in the region’s European option and membership of NATO, and all the investment rested on the existing borders. Every shift of borders would equal decomposition of Europe.

 

 

Filip Švarm

 

Appreciation of straightforwardness

You’ve met Vučić once. What about that dialogue with him you had?

I was in a group of people from the civil sector invited to a meeting with Vučić when he came to power. I thought to myself I should respond to his invitation given that, if nothing else, that was an opportunity to have my say. I told him what my views were – actually presented the views from our annual reports – and said it in my usual manner of speaking in public. Rather than about the Helsinki Committee, I was more concentrated on the situation in Serbia, Kosovo and on many other open questions. He thanked me for being straightforward.

 

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